Contents - Vol 11, No. 3, 2000Editorial - The power of irresponsibility 3Michael Cockerell - Lifting the lid off spin 6 Michael White - What price the “Follett test”? 16 John Maddox - Pusztai’s potatoes and the press 22 Mark Seddon - The political struggle around Orwell’s stapler 27 William Clarke - The zero hour centenarian 33 Cal McCrystal - Evelyn Irons – woman of distinction 40 Ray Boston - The poet's alternative occupation 58 Lynda Dyson - Branding of the media 61 BOOK REVIEWSColin Jacobson on War photographers 68Geoffrey Bindman on Libel law 71 Anthony Delano on Media ethics 74 Jamie Shea on Modern war and the media 77 |
Should journalists be responsible citizens: can they be responsible and perform the democratic function of a free press at the same time? Or is the true and natural role of the good journalist to be irresponsible? Good question, as the politicians might [or might not] say. It is in fact a powerful point raised several times recently, not least in the case of David Shayler, the former M15 agent, and the remarkable judgement by the Appeal Court in July in favour of The Guardian and Observer. It was also raised by Matthew Parris, the splendid Parliamentary sketch writer of The Times who is currently on a kind of sabbatical holed up on a remote island in the Indian Ocean where he has been seriously concerned about the question of journalistic responsibility. Parris reported [The Times, July 8] that he had deliberately suppressed a story containing dramatic events within the tiny island community where he is living because it would have seriously impaired his relationship with that community. So he decided to keep his big story secret. In order to respect the community’s interests Parris claimed that he had behaved “responsibly”. But in so doing, he then confessed, this marked him down as a poor journalist. The “really good journalist” Parris argued would have ignored the community’s interests, reported the drama and behaved irresponsibly. In short Parris is claiming that to be a first class journalist you must be prepared to behave irresponsibly at all times. Now consider the judgement handed down in the Appeal Court case concerning The Guardian/Observer and David Shayler [July 21]. The state prosecution against the two newspapers demanded that the editors of the two papers hand over to the police and security services any information they may possess relating to the former M15 agent including Shayler’s alleged “evidence” of a plot to assassinate the Libyan leader, Colonel Gadafy. In dismissing this demand Lord Justice Judge told the court:
“Inconvenient or embarrassing revelations, whether for the security services or for public authorities, should not be suppressed... Unless there are compelling reasons of national security, the public are entitled to know the facts and as the eyes and ears of the public, journalists are entitled to investigate and report the facts...”That is a judgement of outstanding significance. The Observer [July 23] described it as a “legal earthquake”. They may be right. Lord Justice Judge has given unique legal backing to journalists as “the eyes and ears of the public” in support of a free press and democratic freedoms. Of course it does NOT imply absolute journalistic licence, nor, to pick up Matthew Parris’s point, absolute irresponsibility. Even so we can all imagine situations in which a newspaper might well argue that in order to reveal something that fascinates public interest it would justify an invasion of privacy even if that involved elements of irresponsible behaviour. The plea of public interest is, and always has been, a seductive argument. It is also commercially attractive especially when invasion of privacy is in pursuit of prurience. To still further develop Parris’s teasing self-criticism there is indeed a strong case to be made for journalistic irresponsibility as the ultimate safety-valve in a democratic, adversarial society and especially in one where secrecy and a culture of official silence is part of the traditional fabric – as it is in Britain. The trouble with that argument is it doesn’t require much imagination to recognise the enormous dangers in stretching it to extremes. Of course Parris is correct to say that there are times when a degree of irresponsibility separates the good, enterprising, diligent reporter from the mediocre. The real issue is: irresponsible to whom? If such irresponsibility can be justified as a genuine concern for the role of a free and democratic press, in the wider interests of the public and in forcing into the open secrets that in themselves jeopardise those freedoms – then, yes, let’s be “irresponsible”. It could even be argued that it then becomes a public responsibility for the journalist to be irresponsible toward some other vested interest. That, surely, has to be the acceptable journalistic code. To be sure it is always a delicate, difficult balance and by definition there can never be an absolute prescription. The best journalists know that and act accordingly, frequently fighting themselves to resist inner temptations. It is a damned difficult business being a journalist, especially a good one – and it gets no easier. It would be interesting, to say the least, to have a view on all this from the Press Complaints Commission. Unfortunately Lord Wakeham’s commission has been notably silent on issues which lead, inescapably, into seriously controversial waters. Yet surely it is time for the PCC to demonstrate some real courage: it is desperately needed.
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