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Kenneth Baker

Great politicians rise above ridicule

British Journalism Review
Vol. 18, No. 4, 2007, pages 19-26

Lord Baker of Dorking CH PC is a former Conservative MP, cabinet minister and chairman of the Party. He is vice-chairman of The Cartoon Museum and this year published George III: A Life in Caricature (Thames & Hudson, £24.99).

Contents - Vol 18, No 4, 2007

Editorial - Lord help us 3

Martin Dunn - How to survive Rupert Murdoch 5

Peter Oborne - Clean-up in spin city 11

Kenneth Baker - Great politicians rise above ridicule 19

Amber Melville-Brown - Children and the media quicksand 27

Martin Brunt - The crime beat is hard labour now 33

Paul Moorcraft and Philip M Taylor - War watchdogs or lapdogs? 39

David Meara - Fifty years on, God's still smiling 51

Gareth Smyth - Breaking eggs in Iran 57

Rowenna Davis - Truth and nothing like the truth 63

W F Deedes - Journey's end 69


BOOK REVIEWS
Matthew Engel on Rob Steen 81

John Humphrys on Martin Conboy 83

Ann Leslie on David Randall 85

Jane Reed on Jessica Callan 87

Brenda Maddox on David Hendy 89

Paul Routledge on Peter Oborne 91

Don Berry on Charles Wintour 93


Quotes of the Quarter 56

Ten years ago - The way we were 68

Letters 95

Paul Foot Award/Michael Rowntree obituary 80


 


Walpole: Kiss my bum (artist unknown)

The brush and pen strokes combined with the scything wit of British cartoonists have brought this country's society to book, and our political leaders have not escaped attention either. It has been a fine tradition for the satirists of the day to lampoon those in high places – whether the nobility or those in the elected chamber. Political cartoons and the office of Prime Minister both became established in the 1720s. They grew alongside each other and began a strange relationship, which was to show itself in mutual interdependence. Michael Cummings, a popular post-Second World War cartoonist for the Daily Express, said that a Prime Minister to a cartoonist is as bricks to a builder – “Without Prime Ministers we'd all be redundant.” It was so from the very start. Similarly, politicians need cartoonists. To be caricatured is a sign that they have arrived. But it is then the going gets tough.

Robert Walpole was Prime Minister from 1721 for 21 years – a record not yet surpassed – and he was the first to get it in the neck from cartoonists. His power depended upon the corrupt sale of government jobs and he dominated


Low: A 1939 view of Chamberlain's appeasement

the political scene, revelling in the title of “The Big Man”. One print shows Walpole's great naked bottom straddling the Treasury – if you wanted to get on you had to kiss Walpole's rear. Walpole did not like the cartoons and he had some of the print-sellers imprisoned for a few days. But, rather more subtly, he commissioned flattering prints of himself: this was the first salvo in the first political media campaign. Even at that early stage it was clear that cartoonists need a big target. Caricature at its best and most penetrating requires a William Pitt, a Disraeli, Gladstone, Churchill or Thatcher – all political giants. The lesser figures that followed each of them were not so interesting.

In the days before photography, politicians were recognised from their cartoons. From the 1730s to 1820s, individual cartoons were sold in print shops – sixpence plain, a shilling coloured. Cartoonists such as James Gillray, Thomas Rowlandson, Richard Newton and George Cruickshank would etch their drawings on to a copperplate and then a few hundred copies were printed, to be sold hot-off-the-press as the up-to-date comment of the day. At first, these prints were passed around coffee houses in St James's, Pall Mall, Piccadilly and The Strand, where they were seen by only a few political insiders. But when prints were hung up in shop windows any passer-by could see them, and this was how politicians first came to be recognised by the


“There aren't enough women in my Cabinet”
Cummings: A 1982 portayal of strength and power

public. No punches were pulled. The 18th century was a period of violence and sexual explicitness and the cartoons of the time reflect this. Defecation, urination and fornication appeared frequently. In one cartoon, on the extraordinary coalition of Lord Frederick North and Charles James Fox in 1783 – imagine John Major and Tony Blair had formed a joint government – the two parties were shown defecating into a common chamber pot which the Devil was stirring, and even he was holding his nose! William Petty, Earl of Shelburne, Prime Minister for six months in 1782, suffered the indignity of having his male member shown. William Pitt the Younger, the leader of the British against Napoleon, was depicted as being blind drunk, which he quite often was.

Pitt did not like these cartoons and his friends bribed the greatest political English cartoonist, James Gillray, to portray him in a more favourable light. It worked. He was shown dividing up the world with Napoleon in one of the most famous of British cartoons. It has been copied endlessly: Jim Callaghan dividing the Labour Party with Wedgwood Benn; Margaret Thatcher dividing the Conservative Party with Michael Heseltine; and Tony Blair dividing New Labour with Gordon Brown. In the 19th


Steve Bell: John Major's naff Superman image became famous

century a more subtle form of inducement was devised, when some cartoonists were given knighthoods. John Tenniel, the regular Punch cartoonist for more than 40 years, and Francis Carruthers Gould, a strong Liberal supporter, both became knights.

The golden age of cartooning, from 1780-1830, was brought to an end for two reasons: Victorian middle-class morality and a change in printing technology. In the 1820s, artists, notably Cruickshank, used wooden blocks for their drawings and these were placed alongside printed text – and the illustrated political pamphlet was born. The most famous of these was The Political House That Jack Built, an attack upon George IV and his ministers in 1820. This pamphlet was sold in editions of thousands and reached even industrial and provincial towns across the country.

At the same time, newspapers expanded rapidly, which helped to kill off the tradition of the print shop and suppress the vigour and obscenity of the 18th century. The mass-market developed, but editors did not want to shock their readers, and Victorian husbands did not want their wives and children in their own sitting rooms to pick up newspapers featuring crude and vulgar drawings.

The weekly magazine Punch was first published in 1841 and this became the voice of Victorian values. Each week the magazine had one major political cartoon, which emerged as a result of editorial discussion. The cartoonists, initially Leech and later Tenniel, were asked to produce a cartoon that made a magisterial comment upon the main issue of the day. As a result, prime ministers from Peel in 1841 to Asquith in 1914 had a much easier ride than their predecessors. There were no bare bottoms, no defecating, urinating or fornicating: prime ministers were depicted as statesmen.


Imagine today's heyday

Two in particular got off lightly. In 1835, Melbourne was cited in a divorce action by a Tory MP who alleged the Prime Minister was having an affair with his young wife, Caroline Norton. I have found only two cartoons that touch upon this matter and they do so in a very delicate way. Palmerston was even luckier in 1863. At the age of 79, he was cited in a divorce action that alleged he had an affair with a Mrs O'Kane. The wits at the time said: “We all know about Kane, but was Palmerston Abel?” Disraeli's reaction to this court case was that it should be kept as private as possible, because the publicity could only be good for Palmerston. This prediction proved to be true, because in the subsequent General Election, Palmerston increased his majority. Not one cartoonist lampooned this episode. Can you imagine what a heyday the cartoonists would have today if Gordon Brown were to be cited in a divorce action?

The pompous portrayals of prime ministers by Punch were given a rude jolt by the cartoons of Max Beerbohm from the end of the 19th century. Beerbohm was a gifted essayist and theatre critic who drew Balfour as a wilting question mark; Lloyd George as the little twister; Asquith lifeless; Baldwin thoughtless; and Bonar Law senseless. Beerbohm used an incredible economy of line accompanied by ironic captions. His cartoons were rarely about specific political events; instead they delineated character. Max was incomparable and paved the way for the more irreverent style of cartooning that returned in the 20th century. We were lucky in the first half of the century that a New Zealander, David Low, and a Hungarian, Victor Weisz – “Vicky” – decided to settle in London, as they were both cartoonists of genius.

Low, in the London Evening Standard, relentlessly attacked Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain for their support for appeasement. Although Low was a socialist, he admired Churchill for standing up to Hitler and portrayed Winston as a great national hero. It is important to remember that popular opinion at that time was with Chamberlain, and when he returned from Munich the chorus of a popular song was, “God Bless You, Mr Chamberlain”. In Punch, Illingworth portrayed him as the Dove of Peace, but Low depicted him as a victim of the German tiger that was covered in swastikas and munching Chamberlain's famous umbrella. Vicky, also a socialist, wanted to see the defeat of the Tories in 1959 and so, in the Evening Standard, cartooned Macmillan ironically as “Supermac”, comparing the Prime Minister unfavourably with Superman. It had exactly the reverse effect: it actually enhanced Macmillan's reputation and helped him to win the 1959 election. This was one of the rare occasions when a cartoonist's work rebounded and benefited the victim.


Pomposity punctured

Cartoonists like to draw blood – their mission is to make people laugh at their targets and ridiculing the mighty is great sport. Some do it for a political purpose, others simply to puncture the pompous. In mid-19th century France, under King Louis-Philippe, cartoonists would have been imprisoned, and under other French regimes even executed. But earlier, here in Britain, people laughed at cartoons of George III, rather than demanding the cartoonists' heads be cut off. Caricature is fun because it is like a distorting mirror that exaggerates physical characteristics in order to delineate a person's weaknesses. Politicians should accept the blows and not worry too much. I have been on the receiving end of pointed cartoons, but no blood was drawn.

In 1771 the then Prime Minister, the Earl of Bute, was so rattled by savage cartoons that alleged he was having an affair with the Dowager Princess of Wales that he scuttled out of office. Stanley Baldwin, renowned for his calmness, was stung by the cartoons of Low, whom he dismissed as “evil and malicious”. Anthony Eden used to ring up his Chief Whip, Ted Heath, every morning at eight o'clock to complain about how the press was treating him – not surprisingly, for he was savaged over the Suez fiasco, being depicted in Punch as a sheep in wolf 's clothing. Heath went on to collect cartoons of himself, but only those which were flattering. When I asked him why he did not have any that were critical, he replied, with an air of aloof dismissal, “I can't think of any. If they were unfair, I would not remember them.”

As was usually the case, the Duke of Wellington got it right. He was seen laughing at some of the cartoons of himself, although sometimes privately he was hurt. He said to his companion: “There is nothing but calumny in the world, Mrs Arbuthnot, and I must make up my mind to be exposed to it.” The most caricatured Prime Minister, because of his long political life, was Churchill. He experienced the full range of cartooning, from the vicious to the adulatory. But in his second premiership in the 1950s, he did not like those cartoons which dwelt on his great age and approaching senility.

Margaret Thatcher has been cartooned many thousands of times and most have been pretty vicious. However, the cartoons often played to her strengths, depicting her as an Iron Lady, a strong and determined leader who would not make U-turns. Although these were often flattering images, Mrs Thatcher did not care how she was depicted – she rarely looked at cartoons and never bothered to watch Spitting Image. She appeared to be a gift for cartoonists, but the more the left-wing artists attacked her, it seemed, the stronger she became.

John Major was harshly treated, with cartoonists depicting him as indecisive, grey, stubborn and hapless. The cartoon image of him that is likely to be remembered most is that created by Steve Bell, cartoonist of The Guardian and an avowed socialist. He first drew Major as a turnip on Maggie's farm and then as a poodle, but neither of these images stuck. Then Bell struck upon portraying him as a naff Superman who wore his M&S Y-fronts over his trousers. Cartoonists have always liked props – Disraeli's goatee beard; Neville Chamberlain's umbrella; Churchill's cigar; Wilson's pipe; Margaret Thatcher's handbag; Tony Blair's teeth and ears – and it was the Yfronts that became the prop by which Major could instantly be recognised in cartoons.

As for Blair, Peter Brookes's work in The Times got to the heart of the Iraq debate, showing that he saw through the deception over weapons of mass destruction from the very beginning. It is not necessarily only with hindsight that the cartoonist's art makes a political statement. Steve Bell was constantly cutting as he foresaw developments in the Blair/Brown leadership squabble. However, as the late Alan Coren (former editor of Punch) memorably once remarked: “The pen isn't actually mightier than the sword. The sword will destroy all pens in time – and we don't lie in our beds trembling in case Iran gets hold of a bottle of ink.”

Prime ministers and politicians can be hurt by cartoons, but they should remember the cartoonist's role is not to couch favour or approval. They should ignore the cartoons that flatter and resist wincing at the ones that ridicule. If, at times, the attack does strike home, they should never let it show. The reputations of the real political giants have not been impaired by the images created by the cartoonists. Great politicians rise above the invective, no doubt sufficiently confident of their own reputation to allow their achievements to be judged by history, rather than by cartoons.